The Federalism and Rule of Law Research Unit of the Policy Studies Institute, in collaboration with researchers from Addis Ababa University and the Ethiopian Civil Service University, presented research findings entitled Public Participation and Ethnic Minority Representation in Ethiopia: Law and Practice on July 5, 2024 at the premises of the Policy Studies Institute.
The researchers are Dr. Mulugeta Getu (PSI), Dr. Christophe Van der Beken (Addis Ababa University), Markos Debebe (PSI) and Teguadda Alebachchew (Ethiopian Civil Service University). Dr. Mulugeta, lead researcher at PSI and leader of the study, said that the study started in 2022 with a broader approach to minority rights in general, but later narrowed down to focus specifically on the aspect of public participation and representation of ethnic minorities.
Dr. Mulugeta added that the final report is a comprehensive document of 286 pages divided into three parts. Part I covers the methodology, conceptual framework and comparative analysis in five chapters. Part II deals with the federal and regional experiences in 11 chapters. The last part III contains the conclusions and recommendations.
Dr. Mulugeta pointed out that the issue of naming minorities in Amharic is complex, using the terms "ህዳጣን" and "አናሳ" to denote this status. He explained that minority status can arise due to differences in ethnic, religious, linguistic or other characteristics compared to the dominant group, although there is no internationally agreed legal definition.
Dr. Mulugeta Getu, Lead Researcher at PSI
Dr. Mulugeta explained that the report adopts UN Special Rapporteur Francesco Capotorti's definition of minorities as "a group that is numerically inferior to the rest of the population of a State and occupies a non-dominant position, whose members, who are nationals of the State, have ethnic, religious or linguistic characteristics that differ from those of the rest of the population, and who demonstrate, even if only implicitly, a sense of solidarity directed towards the preservation of their culture, traditions, religion or language."
According to Dr. Mulugeta, the definition of minorities includes both objective and subjective elements. The objective elements include the numerical inferiority of the group to the rest of the population, the non-dominant position of the group and the particular ethnic, religious or linguistic characteristics that distinguish it from the majority. The subjective element is the group's sense of solidarity, which is aimed at preserving its own cultural identity.
Dr. Christophe Van der Beken, Addis Ababa University
Dr. Mulugeta points out that the question of minority status is traditionally decided at the national level, but that the sub-national, regional level was also examined in this study. The existence of regional or unitary minorities is a feature of states that use federalism or decentralization as a mechanism to accommodate ethnic diversity. While ethno-territorial federations often emerge as a reaction to the nation-state model, they tend to replicate the nation-state model at the regional level. The ethnic groups that are not part of the territorially empowered groups are a minority compared to them. Dr. Mulugeta explains that internal minorities are national minorities entitled to the protection of international human rights laws. The Ethiopian constitution offers the same level of protection to all "nations, nationalities and peoples" (ethnic groups). However, the establishment of ethnic boundaries along ethno-linguistic lines has led to the emergence of dominant ethnic minorities in all regions and other administrative units of Ethiopia. This is due to the historical movements and settlements of different ethnic groups that have resulted in heterogeneous regions.
The regional constitutions have (either explicitly or implicitly) vested the ownership, sovereignty and resources of the region to specific ethnic groups that are considered "indigenous" or "autochthonous" to the region. The report notes that there are no standard guidelines for the identification, designation and protection of ethnic minorities, leading to a predominantly territorial approach to ethnic group representation and participation.
According to Dr. Mulugeta, the researchers have identified several key problems and challenges related to public participation and representation of ethnic minorities in Ethiopia. The report notes that there is no comprehensive national legal or policy framework that addresses issues of ethnic minority representation and participation. Furthermore, the researchers found that different regions of the Ethiopian federation take different approaches in dealing with ethnic minority issues, resulting in a lack of coherence. The report also raises concerns about the lack of accountability and transparency in the procedures and mechanisms related to minority representation and participation. In addition, the researchers assessed Ethiopia's approach to ethnic minority issues against international standards and norms and identified areas where the country has shortcomings. The report points to a widespread lack of trust and tensions between the different ethnic groups in the country, making inclusive participation difficult. The researchers also noted a general lack of public trust in the government's efforts and intentions regarding minority issues. Finally, the report expresses concern about the continued vulnerability and marginalization of ethnic minorities in Ethiopia, despite constitutional and legal provisions. Overall, the report highlights the complexity and multi-faceted nature of the challenges faced in ensuring equitable public participation and representation of ethnic minorities in Ethiopia and calls for a comprehensive and coordinated approach to address these issues.
The researchers highlighted several key reasons why special regulation and consideration of ethnic minorities in Ethiopia is necessary. Dr. Mulugeta pointed out the limits of democracy and the majority principle. The report notes that sole reliance on majority rule and democratic processes can neglect the needs and rights of ethnic minority groups, leaving them vulnerable and excluded from public life. Historical incidents of atrocities and human rights violations: The researchers point to past instances in which ethnic minority communities in Ethiopia have been disproportionately victimized by atrocities and human rights violations, underscoring the need for targeted protection.
Dr. Christophe Van der Beken, Addis Ababa University
The report expresses concern about the tendency to assimilate minority groups in the name of assimilation, leading to the erosion of their distinct socio-cultural and political identities. Researchers highlight the continued vulnerability and marginalization of ethnic minority groups despite existing constitutional and legal provisions that limit their effective representation and participation in governance. The report emphasizes the need for special arrangements to promote trust between different ethnic groups, which is currently lacking due to prevailing tensions and mistrust between the groups.The researchers argue that special regulation of ethnic minority affairs can contribute to the broader goals of promoting diversity, social cohesion, national unity and overall prosperity in Ethiopia.The report suggests that specific legal frameworks can help to better enable ethnic minority groups to protect their rights and interests and promote their inclusion in the state and wider community.Overall, the researchers conclude that the adoption of special regulations and the consideration of the concerns of ethnic minorities serve both the interests of the minorities themselves and those of the state and contribute to the achievement of sustainable peace and stability in the country.
According to Dr. Mulugeta, the main objectives of the study are to explore the multiple aspects related to ethnic minorities in Ethiopia and how their rights are manifested in the country. The study aims to assess the adequacy and effectiveness of the existing legal and political structures in Ethiopia to ensure the participation and representation of ethnic minority groups. The researchers intend to assess the actual implementation and realization of the rights and protection of ethnic minorities as stipulated in the legal and policy frameworks. Based on the findings from the previous objectives, the study intends to make policy recommendations to address any gaps or shortcomings in the protection and inclusion of the rights of ethnic minorities in Ethiopia. Overall, the study appears to take a comprehensive approach to understanding the complex dynamics related to ethnic minorities in Ethiopia by examining both the legal/policy framework and the realities on the ground, with the aim of proposing concrete policy solutions to improve the rights and representation of these groups.
The conceptual framework for the study is based on the relevant provisions of the Constitution of the FDRE, in particular Articles 8, 39 and 89. The researchers note that the Constitution establishes the sovereignty of the country (Article 8) and enshrines linguistic and cultural rights and the preservation of history for the different nations, nationalities and peoples (NNP). The Constitution also guarantees the political participation and equal representation of these groups in the state and federal governments (Articles 39(3), 54 and 61).
In addition, the researchers refer to the constitutional provisions granting the NNP territorial autonomy and the right to self-determination, including secession (Article 39). The Constitution also stipulates that the government shall provide special support for the development of these ethnic minority groups (Article 89(4)). The researchers point out that this conceptual framework, based on the relevant constitutional articles, will guide their analysis of the legal and political structures as well as the actual implementation and realization of the rights and protection of ethnic minorities in Ethiopia.
The researchers examined the legal and political framework in Ethiopia from several angles: Legal frameworks, including provisions in the constitution related to the electoral system, civil service, administration of justice, and security sector recruitment, and an assessment of how these legal structures ensure public representation and participation of ethnic minority groups; institutional/organizational frameworks, including an analysis of the institutions empowered to investigate, monitor and advise on issues affecting ethnic minorities; and practical implementation, through an assessment of the actual understanding and representation of ethnic minority groups within the legislative, judicial and executive branches of government. The researchers aim to provide a comprehensive assessment that examines both the formal legal and policy structures and the practical implementation and realization of these frameworks. This multi-pronged approach will enable the researchers to identify any gaps or shortcomings in the protection and inclusion of ethnic minority rights in Ethiopia.
Dr. Mulugeta explained that the researchers are taking a qualitative approach using a socio-legal methodology that combines multiple methods. The doctrinal component involves a legal analysis of relevant laws, policies and regulations, while the comparative aspect involves an analysis of legal and policy frameworks in different contexts. The empirical methods include key informant interviews with relevant stakeholders and the collection and analysis of secondary data. The sampling strategy covers a wide range of regions at both federal and state/regional levels, including Sidama, Amhara, Oromia, Somali, Benishangul Gumuz, SNNPR, Southwest Ethiopia, Harari and Dire Dawa city administration, and includes representatives from all three levels of government - legislative, executive and judicial. This multi-pronged, qualitative approach allows the researchers to examine in depth the legal provisions, institutional structures and practical implementation related to the rights and representation of ethnic minorities in Ethiopia, providing a comprehensive understanding of the issue from different perspectives. There are also various KIIs.
Dr. Mulugeta explained that the main documents examined in the study are the Constitution of the FDRE, the constitutions of the regional governments and the Dire Dawa City Charter, laws, policies and manuals related to the recruitment and management of personnel and public servants, laws establishing executive bodies, laws establishing the administration of justice and the courts, laws and policies relating to the recruitment and management of security personnel, laws and regulations relating to the establishment and code of conduct of the House of Peoples' Representatives (HoPR), the House of Federation (HoF) and the State Councils, and complaints filed before the HoF, the State Councils or the Nationality Councils. The researchers also examine the establishment laws for democratic institutions such as the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE), the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC) and the Ombudsman.
In addition to these legal and policy documents, the researchers also examined conventional and gray literature as well as data on the civil service, the population, elected representatives, members of the executive, judges and security forces. The comparative analysis will also examine the experiences of other multinational federations such as Canada, Belgium and Switzerland, as well as Kenya's unitary but decentralized system and Croatia's elaborate minority rights framework. This comprehensive review of legal frameworks, institutional structures and practical data will provide researchers with a holistic understanding of the protection and representation of ethnic minorities in Ethiopia.
Dr. Mulugeta said the data analysis procedures used by the researchers included a content analysis of various legal and policy documents related to minority rights, government structures and public administration; an in-depth review of documents to understand the legal and regulatory frameworks; descriptive statistics to analyze data related to the civil service, population, elected representatives, members of the executive branch, judges and security forces; an in-depth legal analysis to examine the provisions, interpretation and implementation of laws and policies relating to minority rights and representation; and a comparative analysis to examine the experiences and approaches of other multinational federations such as Canada, Belgium and Switzerland, as well as the unitary but devolved system of Kenya and the minority rights framework in Croatia. This multi-layered approach will provide researchers with a comprehensive understanding of the legal, institutional and practical aspects related to ethnic minority rights and representation in Ethiopia.
Dr. Mulugeta explained that the main limitations of the study are that it only focuses on administrative institutions and does not examine public organizations. This narrow focus may overlook important aspects related to the representation and participation of ethnic minorities in the wider public sector.
Population data is limited to the 2007 census and projections, with no breakdown by ethnic group. The lack of up-to-date population data disaggregated by ethnic group makes it difficult for researchers to accurately assess demographic composition and potential imbalances in representation. administrative restructuring process and the absence of disaggregated population and administrative data pose significant challenges.The dynamic nature of the institutional landscape and the lack of comprehensive data make it difficult to capture the evolving dynamics of minority representation.
The quality of public service data is suboptimal, with problems related to timeliness, non-standardization and missing variables. These data limitations restrict the ability of researchers to conduct robust analyzes and draw reliable conclusions about the composition and distribution of civil service positions across different ethnic groups.
Data on the executive branch, including the cabinet and security forces, is often confidential and incomplete, if it is available at all. The limited transparency and accessibility of data on these key decision-making and enforcement bodies make it difficult for researchers to understand minority representation at the highest levels of government.
Data on the judiciary is not accessible for all regions, and data on the Council of State is not available for some regions. These gaps in data at the regional level make it difficult for researchers to conduct a comprehensive assessment of minority representation and participation across the country. These limitations in terms of data availability, quality and disaggregation pose methodological challenges for researchers and may limit the depth and breadth of analysis on the protection and representation of ethnic minorities in Ethiopia.
Dr. Christophe Van der Beken then presented the findings of the study. He said the study examined international standards and comparative experiences in relation to minority rights. It concludes that international law recognizes the existence of minorities and establishes the right to equality and non-discrimination. However, formal equality provisions alone are often not sufficient to protect the rights of ethnic minorities, so that special or positive measures are required.
Minority-specific rights are enshrined in Article 27 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which guarantees persons belonging to minorities the right to maintain their own culture, practice their religion and speak their own language. States are not only obliged to respect these rights, but also to ensure their protection against denial or violation.
The study also examines the international standards for public representation and participation of minorities as set out in UN and regional frameworks. Interestingly, there is no universal international right to territorial autonomy for minorities. The study undertakes a comparative analysis of minority rights approaches in various countries, including federal states such as Canada, Belgium and Switzerland, as well as the unitary but decentralized state of Kenya and the elaborate minority rights system of Croatia.
The Canadian example is particularly instructive, as the French-speaking minority is de facto represented in the predominantly Anglophone country through the territorial concentration of Francophones in Quebec and the country's majority voting system. The Constitution also guarantees fair representation of francophones in the Senate and the Supreme Court.
Dr. Christophe Van der Beken explained that Belgium is a multinational federation with a high degree of confederation, with segmentary autonomy, proportionality, grand coalition and veto rights for minorities in the three main ethnic communities. The language communities have the status of an official language and a right of veto in parliament. The Council of Ministers and the Constitutional Court have equal linguistic representation, and there is proportional representation in the civil service.
Switzerland, another multinational federation, has four national languages and a proportional representation system. Although there are no fixed legal rules, there are well observed informal conventions that ensure proportional representation of the dominant language communities in the federal executive, judiciary and civil service.
Kenya, a devolved unitary state with more than 40 ethnic groups, has introduced constitutional provisions that focus on the inclusion of ethnic minorities, such as the requirement that political parties must be multi-ethnic in composition and that no more than one-third of staff in public institutions may belong to the same ethnic community. Minorities within a country are also protected by law.
Dr. Christophe Van der Beken explained that Croatia, a unitary state with national minorities that make up less than 5% of the population, has a national law on minority rights that provides for the use of minority languages at local level, guaranteed representation of minorities in parliament and local governments as well as in the civil service and judiciary. Minorities can also establish non-territorial self-governments. These comparative examples provide valuable insights into the different approaches countries have taken to address the challenges of protecting minority rights and ensuring their political representation and participation.
Dr. Christophe Van der Beken explained that Ethiopia is home to over 80 different ethnic groups/nations, nationalities and peoples (NNPs). The constitution does not list these ethnic groups, so the number remains open. Ethnic diversity exists in all of Ethiopia's regional states. The term "minorities" is based on Francesco Capotorti's definition.
The constitution does not clearly identify ethnic minorities, the only reference is to the FPTP (First Past the Post) electoral system. In some regions there is a clear ethnic majority (Amhara, Oromia, Afar, Somali, Tigray and Sidama). In other regions, all ethnic groups are in the minority (Southwest, Benishangul-Gumuz and Gambella). The case of the Harari regional state is unique.
Dr. Christophe Van der Beken explained that there are two types of minorities at the regional level: traditional, historical minorities and minorities that have migrated from other parts (regions) of the country. To summarize, the legal protection and understanding of ethnic minorities in Ethiopia is not clearly defined in the constitution, resulting in a complex landscape of majority-minority dynamics at the regional level, where traditional and new minorities coexist in different parts of the country.
Dr. Christophe Van der Beken noted that the regional constitutions in Ethiopia recognize two different types of minorities - traditional/historical/indigenous minorities and minorities that have migrated from other parts of the country. Traditional minorities can claim group rights to the extent that the regional constitutions recognize the existence of these historical minority groups. However, non-historic minorities or those who have migrated from other regions can only claim individual rights and not group rights. This distinction in the recognition and treatment of different minority groups in the regional constitutions reflects the complex landscape of majority-minority dynamics across Ethiopia, where some regions have clear ethnic majorities while others have multiple minority groups.
As far as the conceptualization of ethnic minorities is concerned, the framework of Francesco Capotorti's definition formed the basis, stating that ethnic minorities are those who are numerically inferior and have a non-dominant position in public affairs. Attempts to define ethnic minorities have been made in previous proclamations, such as Proclamation No. 7/1992 and Proclamation No. 111/1995, in which ethnic groups with a population of less than 100,000 were considered minorities. However, the most recent electoral law, Proclamation No. 1162/2019, departs from this approach and instead leaves the determination of ethnic minority status to the House of Federation (HoF). This change reflects the complexity of identifying and defining ethnic minorities in Ethiopia, where the constitution does not provide a clear list of the over 80 different ethnic groups and the dynamics of majority-minority relations vary widely across regional states.
According to Dr. Christophe Van der Beken, defining and identifying ethnic minorities in Ethiopia is a difficult task as settlement has been very complex over time, the coexistence of different ethnic groups has a long history and there are no official criteria for determining minority status. Some of the interviewees stated that there are no recognized ethnic minority groups in their respective regional states, as the constitution does not provide for a clear determination of minority status. In Dire Dawa, for example, respondents stated that they live in harmony and make no distinction between minority and majority groups.
Respondents also pointed to various factors that contribute to who is considered a minority, including economic development, political power, lack of recognized nation, nationality and peoples (NNP) status, access to social amenities such as employment and education, and the promotion of culture and language. Dr. Christophe Van der Beken explained that this diversity of perspectives underscores the complexity of defining and understanding ethnic minorities in Ethiopia, where the constitutional framework is unclear and the dynamics of majority-minority relations vary widely across regional states.
The findings in relation to public representation and participation of ethnic minorities at the federal level in Ethiopia are that all nations, nationalities and peoples (NNPs) are constitutionally entitled to equal representation in the federal government. The First Past the Post (FPTP) electoral system generally guarantees NNPs representation in the House of Peoples' Representatives (HoPR), although there are still a number of ethnic groups that claim guaranteed representation. However, the equality of representation of ethnic groups is affected by the unequal population size of constituencies or electoral districts. The large ethnic groups, such as the Oromia and Amhara regional states, have a significant number of representatives in the HoPR, accounting for 316 of the 547 seats. This gives these larger groups a dominant position, as the HoPR usually makes decisions with the majority of members present and voting.
The findings therefore suggest that while the constitutional provisions aim to ensure equitable representation of the NNP, the practical implementation and dynamics of the electoral system and decision-making process in the federal government remain a challenge to ensuring effective participation of ethnic minorities.
Dr. Christophe Van der Beken said that the Ethiopian federal constitution does not contain specific guarantees for the representation of different ethnic groups in the federal government. The absence of such explicit constitutional guarantees for the inclusion of ethnic groups has not necessarily led to the dominance of a single ethnic group in the Council of Ministers. However, it has contributed to the traditional dominance of ministers from the former core regions of the ruling EPRDF coalition, namely Oromia and Amhara. This imbalance in the ethnic composition of the Council of Ministers despite the constitutional commitment to equality of nations, nationalities and peoples underscores the need for more robust mechanisms to ensure equal participation of different ethnic groups at the highest levels of the federal executive. The lack of clear constitutional provisions has resulted in historical power dynamics and political affiliations determining the representation of Ethiopia's multicultural society in the country's highest decision-making body.
The Ethiopian Civil Service Proclamation stipulates that the equitable representation of the nations, nationalities and peoples of the country must be taken into account when recruiting staff in the federal institutions. This provision aims to ensure that NNPs, who are traditionally less represented in the civil service, are eligible for affirmative action. However, data from the Ethiopian Civil Service Commission shows that many ethnic groups are still not equally represented in the federal civil service. In particular, two specific ethnic communities, the Brayle (mainly in the Amhara, Oromia and SNNPR regions) and the Upo (from the Gambella region), are not represented at all in the federal and regional civil service. This unequal representation of different ethnicities in the civil service, despite the legal framework mandating equitable representation, highlights the need for more robust implementation and monitoring mechanisms to put the principle of inclusivity into practice in Ethiopia's public institutions.
Dr. Christophe Van der Beken pointed out that the Ethiopian constitution does not contain specific guarantees for the ethnic inclusivity of the judiciary. While the law mandates the Judicial Administration Council to select and nominate competent candidates "as far as possible from all regions"," there are no set quotas or other mechanisms to ensure equitable representation of the country's various ethnic groups within the judicial system. The interviewees in the study claimed that there was a degree of inclusivity in the judiciary, but were unable to substantiate these claims with statistical data. The lack of constitutional provisions and clear policy guidelines to promote the participation of different ethnic communities in the judiciary makes the representation of Ethiopia's multicultural society in the courts largely dependent on the discretion of the Judicial Council. This lack of institutionalized safeguards to entrench ethnic diversity in the judiciary raises concerns about the capacity of the judicial system to reflect and serve the interests of all nations, nationalities and peoples of Ethiopia.
In terms of public representation and participation of ethnic minorities at the regional level in Ethiopia, most ethnic groups in Ethiopia are a minority within the regional states as they are either dominated by another group or coexist with other ethnic communities in a multinational regional state. In the regions dominated by a single ethnic group, such as Amhara, Oromia, Somali and Sidama, there is no uniform approach to the protection of minority rights.
Dr. Christophe Van der Beken explained that the Amhara region is the only one that explicitly recognizes the presence of ethnic minorities and grants them special protection. The region's constitution gives these minorities the full range of self-determination rights, including territorial autonomy and representation in key regional institutions.
In contrast, the constitutions of the Oromia, Somali and Sidama regions vest sovereignty and associated rights exclusively in the respective ethnic groups, thus excluding other minorities from equal participation in public life. Persons belonging to these minority groups are only entitled to individual rights, such as employment in the regional civil service, if they speak the working language.
In practice, minorities are represented in non-political regional government bodies such as the civil service, the judiciary and the security services. While the recognition of minorities in the Amhara region is a positive step, it does not extend to all minorities residing in the region, meaning that some communities do not enjoy the same constitutional guarantees.
The Benishangul-Gumuz regional constitution distinguishes between "indigenous" and "non-indigenous" ethnic groups and only grants the former the right to self-determination. In practice, however, the non-indigenous ethnic groups are strongly represented in the regional judiciary and civil service.
There is a similar dichotomy between indigenous and non-indigenous ethnic minorities. The Constitution of the Southwest guarantees the ethnic inclusivity of the regional government, at least for indigenous communities. Nevertheless, some indigenous communities such as the Bench, Me'en, Dizi, Nao, Chara and Surma are significantly underrepresented in the civil service. There are a significant number of non-indigenous employees in the judiciary and civil service in these regions. Dr. Christophe Van der Beken explained that only the Harari ethnic group has sovereign power and the right to self-determination. The constitution contains specific institutional mechanisms to empower the Harari, such as a bicameral State Council.
Dr. Christophe Van der Beken said Dire Dawa is multi-ethnic without a majority group. There is an informal "40-40-20" power-sharing arrangement that guarantees Oromos and Somalis 40% of government posts each, with the remaining 20% earmarked for other groups. The analysis highlights the tension between the formal constitutional provisions protecting minority rights and the actual implementation and representation of the different ethnic groups in the regional administration and public institutions. The summary suggests that a more optimal balance needs to be found between the rights of territorial groups and the participation of minorities in order to promote social cohesion and an inclusive national identity.
The analysis shows that there are no specific institutions to monitor minority rights or to advise the government. Many minority-related complaints are filed before the Federation Chamber, the Nationalities Council and the State Councils. However, the Federation Chamber and the State Councils are accused of delaying decisions, having conflicts of interest and lacking political will. No formal complaint or grievance has been filed with the courts or the civil service. The Ethiopian Human Rights Commission and the Ombudsman's Office have not conducted customized investigations into the complaints of minorities.
The recommendations include legal reform to create a comprehensive law that addresses the concerns of ethnic minorities. In addition, the rule of law and good governance should be promoted. In terms of language, multilingualism should be promoted and different working languages should be introduced at federal and regional levels. In the field of education, teaching in or in the minority languages should be promoted and civic education should be developed to strengthen social cohesion. There should be guaranteed representation and participation of minorities in federal and regional political institutions, including additional electoral districts/constituencies for minorities, guaranteed seats for non-indigenous minorities in state councils and extended qualified majority requirements on issues of special interest to ethnic communities. An independent regulatory and advisory institution for minority rights should be established, with the institutions and their branches spread across different cities. A reform of political parties with a focus on ethnic inclusion and social integration is also recommended, as well as scientific studies, lobbying, awareness-raising measures and economic development.
The presentation was followed by a discussion session in which participants raised various questions, comments and suggestions to improve the final research findings. The researchers answered some of the questions on the spot and agreed to consider the remaining feedback to improve the quality and scope of the final report. This interactive exchange allowed the researchers to clarify certain points, address participants' concerns and identify areas that could be strengthened or further explored in the final version of the study. The researchers expressed their gratitude for the valuable input, which will help to refine and increase the credibility of the research findings.
In summary, the analysis reveals significant gaps in the legal framework and practical implementation when it comes to ensuring meaningful public participation and adequate representation of ethnic minorities in Ethiopia. The lack of dedicated institutions to monitor the rights of minorities, the perceived inefficiency and bias of existing bodies such as the House of Federation and the State Councils, and the absence of formal legal cases or complaints from minorities point to profound problems. To remedy this, the recommendations call for a comprehensive package of legal reforms, greater emphasis on the rule of law and good governance, measures to promote multilingualism and minority language education, and the establishment of robust mechanisms to ensure minority representation in political institutions. Strengthening constitutional review, creating an independent advisory body on minority rights and reforming political parties that prioritize the inclusion of ethnic minorities are also crucial. Ultimately, Ethiopia must take concerted and sustained action to translate its constitutional commitments to ethnic federalism and minority rights into tangible improvements in the public participation and political representation of its diverse communities.